On September 7, AB 446 passed the California legislature. It makes minor improvements in the ability of new parties to qualify for party status.
On September 7, India Walton, Democratic nominee for Mayor of Buffalo, New York, filed a brief in Meadors v Erie County Board of Elections, 21-2137.
The brief can be seen here. It says that the U.S. Supreme Court upheld June petition deadlines in Jenness v Fortson, the 1971 decision that upheld the Georgia ballot access laws. But the deadline was not an issue in that case; the Socialist Workers Party, which filed that case, did not complain about the deadline. Justice John Paul Stevens established this in his dissent in Mandel v Bradley, a 1977 U.S. Supreme Court case that considered Maryland’s old March petition deadline, but which did not decide the issue; instead the case was remanded back to the lower courts for more fact-finding. In Mandel v Bradley, Justice Stevens wrote, “The question (of the June deadline) was neither raised nor decided by the Court in Jenness. Thus, that decision is not controlling on this point.”
The brief says the purpose of the New York May petition deadline is to stop “sore losers”. But in Anderson v Celebrezze, the 1983 U.S. Supreme Court decision that struck down Ohio’s March petition deadline, the candidate who had filed the case, John B. Anderson, independent presidential candidate in 1980, was also a “sore loser”. The Anderson decision says that early deadlines cannot be used to block “sore losers”. If a state wants to block “sore losers”, it can do so with a law that applies specifically to that issue. But it can’t just depend on early deadlines to block sore losers, because an early deadline blocks many other candidates who are not sore losers.
The decision says there is a “mountain of precedent” that independent candidate petition deadlines can be earlier than primary day, but it doesn’t cite a single such precedent, except for Stevenson v Illinois State Board of Elections. The brief fails to say that the Stevenson precedent was reversed by a later decision of the Seventh Circuit, Lee v Keith. The brief also cites McLain v Meier (1988), and Rainbow Coalition of Oklahoma v Oklahoma State Election Board, but neither of those cases involved independent candidates. Instead they concerned petitions to create a new party, and in both states (North Dakota and Oklahoma) the law required new parties to nominate by primary, so the courts upheld those deadlines so as to give the new party its own primary. The brief inaccurately says the Oklahoma case is about the “independent filing deadline”.
Other precedents relied on by the brief concerned petition deadlines that were on primary day, or the day before the primary. But the New York deadline is a month before the primary.
The brief says the New York deadline should be upheld because some independent candidates other than Mayor Byron Brown succeeded in getting on the ballot this year. But that is no defense, because in Anderson v Celebrezze, that was also true. The Anderson decision, footnote 12, notes that five presidential candidates managed to meet the Ohio deadline in 1980, but that didn’t save the Ohio deadline from being struck down.
The brief says New York’s ballot access is “quite liberal” because the state lets primary voters sign for an independent. But that is true for all states, except Texas (Minnesota has language on its petition saying the signer doesn’t intend to vote in the primary for that particular office, but the law has no teeth because no one can know if a signer voted for any particular office in the primary, due to the secret ballot).
On September 2, Jason Gonzales, an Illinois candidate for the legislature in 2016, asked the U.S. Supreme Court to hear his case. Gonzales v Madigan, 21-352. Here is the cert petition. The case began when incumbent Illinois representative Michael Madigan recruited two candidates to run in the Democratic primary. Both candidates had Hispanic surnames. Madigan was already facing Jason Gonzales and the district was majority-Hispanic. Gonzales sued, presenting evidence that the two candidates recruited by Madigan were not bona fide candidates, but were merely brought into the primary to split the Hispanic vote. The Seventh Circuit in 1974 had ruled that bringing sham candidates into an election can violate the U.S. Constitution.
Gonazles lost in the U.S. District Court and the Seventh Circuit, despite the 1974 precedent. Illinois is in the Seventh Circuit.
On September 7, the Erie County, New York, Board of Elections filed a notice of appeal in Meadors v Erie County Board of Elections, the case over the May petition deadline in New York state. Oddly, though, the Board voted not to appeal the state court decision that also enjoined the deadline.
On July 30, the Ninth Circuit struck down Alaska’s $500 campaign contribution limit in Thompson v Hebdon, 17-35019. On August 20, the court asked both sides to file briefs on whether the case should receive a hearing en banc. The briefs are due September 10. Thanks to the Institute for Free Speech for this news. The original decision on July 30 had been 2-1.
This case is very old. Originally the Ninth Circuit had upheld the limit, and then the U.S. Supreme Court had sent the case back to the Ninth Circuit with instructions to rehear it. Another issue in the case is the Alaska law that says candidates may only receive a small amount of donations from individuals who live outside Alaska.