Jerome Segal, Founder of Bread & Roses Party, Says Progressive Third Parties Should Not Run for President in 2020 in Swing States

Posted on by April 20, 2020
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The Philadelphia Inquirer has this story, which is mostly about Professor Jerome Segal, founder of the Bread & Roses Party.  That party is on the ballot in Maryland, but nowhere else.  Segal expresses the opinion that the Green Party and parties with similar ideas should not run for president in 2020 in swing states.

There is considerable evidence that left parties do not hurt the Democratic Party, but none of it is mentioned in the story.  (1) political science research presented in “The Future of American Poilitics”, a 1950 book by Samuel Lubell, showed that Harry Truman would have lost to Thomas Dewey without the Progressive Party candidacy of Henry Wallace; (2) detailed poll analysis and election returns analysis from 2004 showed that Ralph Nader voters were more likely to vote for George W. Bush than John Kerry if Nader hadn’t been on the ballot; (3) the book “Predictably Irrational” by Dan Ariely presents psychological experiments that show if three choices are available, and two of them are similar but one of the similar choices if clearly superior to the other, then that superior choice gains, versus the choice that is not similar; (4) the Communist Party in 1936 determined that they wanted Franklin Roosevelt to be re-elected and they facilitated that by running their own nominee, who used his attention in the public forum to encourage the defeat of the Republican nominee, Alf Landon.

U.S. District Court Cuts 2020 Primary Petitions in Michigan by 50%, Extends Petition Deadline

Posted on by April 20, 2020
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On April 20, U.S. District Court Judge Terrence G. Berg, an Obama appointee, issued an injunction in Esshaki v Whitmer, e.d., 2:20cv-10831.  It cuts the number of signatures needed for primary petitions by 50%, and extends the deadline from April 21 to May 8.  It also partially allows for electronic signatures.  Here is the 40-page opinion.

The opinion rebuts the idea that candidates should collect their petitions via postal mail.  It says that the plaintiff, Eric Esshaki, who needed 1,000 signatures to get on the Republican primary ballot for U.S. House, tried that.  He sent 1,000 letters to voters with an enclosed petition, and asked them to sign it and mail it back.  He paid the postage both ways.  That cost him $1.75 per letter, but it only yielded 15 signatures.  The order says that works out to a cost of $115 per signature.  The order also says that getting signatures this way means that willing recipients would need to get the petition into the postal delivery system, which is not necessarily easy when people are expected to remain at home.  Furthermore, the order says, the postal service itself is affected by the virus.  The order cites news stories about postal employees who are ill, and that as a result, postal mail is not as speedy as usual.

U.S. District Court Won’t Let Arizona Initiative Groups Gather Electronic Signatures

Posted on by April 19, 2020
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On April 17, U.S. District Court Judge Dominic Lanza refused to order Arizona to allow initiative proponents to gather electronic signatures.  Arizonans for Fair Elections v Hobbs, 2:20cv-658.  Here is the 30-page opinion.

The same issue is pending in the Arizona State Supreme Court, in another case, Arizonans for Second Chances Rehabilitation v Hobbs, cv-20-98-SA.  Briefing in that case will be complete by April 27, and the State Supreme Court will then issue an opinion without first holding oral argument

The federal decision points out that the Arizona Constitution appears to mandate old-fashioned pieces of paper for initiative petitions.  Article IV, sec. 9, says, “Each petition shall contain the declaration of each petitioner, for himself, that he is a qualified voter of the state.  Each sheet containing petition signatures shall be attached to a full and correct copy of the title and text of the measure, and every sheet of every such petition shall be verified by the affidavit of the person who circulated such sheet…”.  Plaintiffs chose not to challenge the constitutionality of that part of the Arizona Constitution.  Instead they argued that electronic signatures substantially comply with the Constitution, but the judge disagreed, and wrote, “The signature requirements Plaintiffs seek to displace have been a part of Arizona’s constitutional and electoral landscape for over a century.”

He also said that it isn’t clear how electronic signatures for initiatives would work, given that the statute says election officials should use a random sample to check signatures on initiative petitions.

Courts in Past Have Ruled that if Ballot Access is Impossible, and the Plaintiff Has a Modicum of Support, Courts Should Put Them on Ballot

Posted on by April 19, 2020
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Federal courts have ruled in the past that if ballot access is impossible, or virtually impossible, and a party or a candidate who wants to be on the ballot sues, and shows evidence of a modicum of support, then the court should put that party or candidate on the ballot even if it submits few if any signatures or does no other substantial work to qualify.

U.S. Supreme Court examples:   (1) Eugene McCarthy was put on the Texas ballot as an independent presidential candidate in 1976 even though he did not submit any signatures.  McCarthy v Briscoe, 429 US 1317 (1976); (2) the National Democratic Party of Alabama (an African-American Party not affiliated with the Democratic Party) was put on the ballot for county office in Hadnott v Amos, 394 US 358 (1969); (3) an independent US Senate candidate, Clifton Whitley, was put on the ballot by a 3-judge US District Court Judge in Mississippi in 1966, and the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed that decision with a full opinion, Allan v State Board of Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969); (4) several minor parties were put on the Michigan ballot in 1976 by a 3-judge U.S. District Court, and the U.S. Supreme Court summarily affirmed that decision, 430 US 924 (1977).  The lower court decision cite is 419 F.Supp.1002 (e.d. 1976).

US Court of Appeals examples:  (1) the Fifth Circuit put McCarthy on in Florida in 1976 even though he didn’t petition.  McCarthy v Askew, 540 F 2d 1254 (back then, Florida was in the Fifth Circuit because the Eleventh Circuit didn’t exist); (2) the Sixth Circuit put a Communist Party candidate on the Michigan ballot for State Board of Education.  Goldman-Frankie v Austin, 727 F.2d 603 (1984); (3) the Ninth Circuit put the Populist Party on the Idaho ballot in 1984 even though it only collected fewer than 300 signatures.  Populist Party v Evans, not reported, 84-4108.

US District Court examples:  (1) Tennessee 2012, the Green and Constitution Parties were put on the ballot, Green Party of Tn. v Hargett, 882 F.Supp.2d 959 (m.d.); (2) Kansas 1982, the Libertarian Party was put on, Reagan v State of Kansas, unreported, 82-4083; (3) Michigan 1980, Communist Party presidential nominee Gus Hall was put in the ballot, Hall v Austin, 495 F.Supp.782 (e.d.); (4) Ohio 2014, four minor parties were put on the ballot, Libertarian Party of Ohio v Husted, order of January 7, 2014 not reported, s.d., 2:13cv-953; (5) Ohio 1970, Socialist Labor Party put on ballot, Socialist Labor Party v Rhodes, 318 F.Supp. 1262 (s.d.); (6) Michigan 1988, Lenora Fulani put on the ballot as an independent for president, not reported, e.d., 88cv-72331; (7) Delaware 1976, Eugene McCarthy put on ballot, 421 F.Supp.1193.