Maine Supreme Court Rules in Favor of Letting Some City Employees Run for School Board

The city of South Portland, Maine, prohibits any city employee from running for a seat on the School Board, or any city elective office. The city also bans city employees from circulating petitions for any candidate for any city elective office. On September 10, the Maine Supreme Court ruled that these rules are too restrictive. The 5-1 opinion lets the two plaintiffs run for seats on the School Board. One of the plaintiff-candidates is a part-time librarian; the other one only works four hours per week for the city’s Parks and Recreation Department. Callaghan v City of South Portland, 2013 ME 78.

The city tried to defend its policy by mentioning that the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld the Hatch Act, which is a federal law banning federal employees from running for partisan elected office. But the Maine Supreme Court pointed out that the Hatch Act does not interfere with federal employees who want to run for non-partisan office. South Portland, and virtually all Maine cities, have non-partisan city elections.

The Maine Supreme Court said that it is appropriate for some types of city employee to be prevented from running for city office, but said the city must re-write its policy so that it isn’t so drastic.

Political Scientist Professor Studies Effect of California’s Proposition 14 on Minor Parties

Professor Keith Smith has written an article, “Proposition 14 and California’s Minor Parties: A Case Study of Electoral Reform and Party Response.” It will be published in the California Journal of Politics and Policy. This is a welcome development. Over a dozen political scientists have studied the effect of Proposition 14, but only Professor Smith has studies its impact on minor parties.

It is not possible to read his article on-line, at least at this time. However, it is possible to see an exchange of blog posts about the article. Both blog posts are in “Mischiefs of Faction”, a political science blog about political parties. Here is initial commentary about the Smith article by Seth Masket, which includes a link to an Abstract of the article. Here is a guest post from Richard Winger.

Federal Court Will Hear Challenge to Indiana Law that Prohibits Parties from Running for More than Half of Judicial Slots in Indianapolis

On September 6, U.S. District Court Judge Richard L. Young, a Clinton appointee, cleared away all procedural hurdles in the lawsuit Common Cause Indiana v Indiana Secretary of State, 1:12cv-1603. The lawsuit challenges the system for electing trial court judges in Indianapolis. Indiana judicial elections at this level are partisan elections. The law does not permit any party to nominate candidates for more than half of the available seats.

The lawsuit argues that this system doesn’t give voters any realistic choice in the general election, because invariably the only parties that run candidates for trial court judge are the Democratic and Republican Parties. In 2012, when twenty seats were up, there were ten Democratic nominees on the ballot and ten Republican nominees on the ballot. So, realistically, there was no role for the voters to play; the outcome was automatic.

Other jurisdictions that don’t permit parties to run nominees for all the available seats are Washington, D.C., several cities in Connecticut, and Philadelphia.

The lawsuit was filed last year. The state argued that the plaintiffs lack standing, and made other procedural objections, but Judge Young ruled that the lawsuit may proceed to the merits. One of the reasons that Common Cause filed the lawsuit is that, apparently, candidates for judge are expected to contribute large sums of money to the major parties, as an incentive for the major parties to nominate them. See this story.

Because the Libertarian Party has been ballot-qualified for all partisan office in Indiana since 1994, one wonders why the Libertarian Party never runs nominees for trial court judge in Indianapolis. In 2012, if the party had exercised its right to nominate, there would have been ten Libertarians, ten Democrats, and ten Republicans running, with the top twenty being elected. Thanks to Rick Hasen for the news about this lawsuit.

California Legislature Adjourns for the Year; Predictions of Top-Two Proponents Are Not Fulfilled

On September 13, a few minutes after midnight, the California legislature adjourned for the year. The 2013 session was the first one in which all of California’s Assembly members had been elected in the top-two open primary system, also known as Proposition 14.

Proponents of the top-two system said after the November 2012 election that the new Assembly would be less polarized. Specifically, proponents touted two Assembly races in which two Democrats were on the ballot against each other in November. Proponents said that the more “moderate” Democrat beat the incumbent Democrat. When proponents of California’s top-two system talk about “extreme” Democrats, what they really mean are Democrats who vote in accordance with the wishes of organized labor.

In the 10th Assembly district, including all of Marin County and the southern part of Sonoma County, incumbent Michael Allen, who was a former employee of a labor union and who had strong labor backing, lost to Marc Levine. In the 50th Assembly district, in southwest Los Angeles County, incumbent Betsy Butler, who was strongly supported by the Teachers Union, lost to Richard Bloom.

But, during 2013, new Assemblymembers Levine and Bloom also voted in accordance with the wishes of organized labor, as shown by the roll calls on these controversial bills: (1) AB 1373 doubles the statute of limitations for death benefits for public safety officers and firefighters, from 240 weeks from the time of injury to the time of death, to 480 weeks. The bill was supported by labor and opposed by many local governments. No Democratic Assemblymember voted against it. Both Allen and Bloom voted for it. (2) AB 10 increases the minimum wage to $10. The bill was supported by labor and opposed by the state Chamber of Commerce. No Democratic Assemblymember voted against it. Both Allen and Bloom voted for it. (3) AB 241 makes domestic workers, including in-home health care workers, eligible for overtime pay. It was supported by labor and opposed by the state Chamber of Commerce. No Democratic Assemblymember voted against it. Both Allen and Bloom voted for it. (4) SB 7 requires charter cities to use contractors who pay “prevailing wage” rates to employees for public works projects. It was supported by labor and opposed by many local governments. No Democratic Assemblymember voted against it. Allen and Bloom voted for it. (5) AB 857 requires statewide initiatives to use volunteer labor to collect at least 10% of the signatures. This bill is perceived to assist labor, which can use its organizational structure to comply with the new requirement; the bill is perceived to injure initiatives sponsored by big business. The bill was backed by labor. No Democratic Assemblymember voted against it. Allen and Bloom voted for it.

Dan Walters, California’s premier political columnist, wrote on September 13, “Unions Held Whip Hand in California Capitol.” Read his column here.

Minnesota Supreme Court Rejects Green Party Plea to Retain Public Funding

On September 11, the Minnesota Supreme Court rejected the Green Party’s attempt to retain its ability to receive state public funding. However, the rejection is based on procedure, and the Court said the party is free to re-file its lawsuit in a lower court, using a different approach. The decision is Begin v Ritchie, A13-1002.

For ballot access purposes, Minnesota defines a qualified party as one that got at least 5% for a statewide race in either of the last two elections. But for purposes of participating in the state’s public funding program for parties, the state has a much easier threshold. Parties can receive public funding if they polled at least 1% for any statewide race in either of the last two elections. The Minnesota Green Party polled over 1% in 2010, so it should have been able to retain public funding status for the period 2011-2014.

Unfortunately, the law requires parties to file paperwork every two years to retain public funding status. This paperwork includes a statement that the party has elected a Chair, adopted a party constitution, and held membership meetings. The party was late with the paperwork that should have been filed by December 31, 2012. The party submitted the paperwork late, but the Secretary of State would not forgive missing the deadline. The party then asked the Supreme Court to restore its public funding status, but the Supreme Court said the party had filed the lawsuit under a section of the election law that only relates to ballot access. The Court said the party is free to use a different section of the law to file a new claim.