California Court of Appeals Orders Secretary of State to Omit Write-in Space on November Ballots

On September 19, the California Court of Appeals issued a 30-page opinion in Field v Bowen, A129946. It upholds the discriminatory law that allows members of qualified parties to list their party on the ballot, but does not allow members of unqualified parties to list their party on the ballot.

As to the law that says write-in space should be printed on the ballot, but that write-ins cannot be counted in November for Congress and state office, the Court said, “Including a line for write-in votes on a ballot when those votes will not be counted raises constitutional questions.” So, the Court, in an amazing display of judicial activism, “solved” the problem by ordering, “No lines or spaces for write-in votes for voter-nominated offices can be placed on general election ballots.”

Just to be clear, the Court was confronted with conflicting election laws. Section 8606 says, “A person whose name has been written on the ballot as a write-in candidate at the general election for a voter-nominated office shall not be counted.” But, section 15340 says, “Each voter is entitled to write the name of any candidate for any public office, including that of President and Vice President of the United States, on the ballot of any election.” And section 13207(a), “form of ballot” says, “There shall be printed on the ballot…the names of candidates with sufficient blank spaces to allow the voters to write in names not printed on the ballot.”

So, faced with two laws that said write-ins should be allowed, and one law that says they may not be counted, the Court arbitrarily told the Secretary of State to ignore the latter two laws. The Court did not say that sections 15340 and 13207 are unconstitutional; it merely dictated that these two laws should not be followed.

As to the party label issue, the Court simply said that in 1980, the California Supreme Court had upheld the old policy of only printing party labels on the ballot for candidates who had been nominated in the primary of a qualified political party. The Court did not grapple with the point that under California’s top-two system, parties no longer nominate candidates for Congress and state office, and the rationale for treating candidates for these offices differently no longer exists. And as to the prohibition of the word “independent” on the ballot for Congress and state office, the decision says the label “no party preference” is just as good as the word “independent”. But the Court did not explain any state interest in banning the word “independent”, and of course California law still allows the ballot label “independent” for presidential candidates who qualify for the November ballot by petition.

Americans Elect Begins Petitioning for Oregon Ballot

On September 15, Americans Elect start circulating its petition to be a qualified party in Oregon in 2012. This news is from an Americans Elect press release sent to Oregon newspapers. The press release says that Americans Elect has already been certified in Alaska, Arizona, Florida, Kansas, Michigan and Nevada. The press release also says that Americans Elect has either finished petitioning, or is petitioning now, in eight states. The release then mentions seven of them: Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Georgia, Hawaii, and Utah. It is possible the eighth state is Maine.

Third Circuit Grants Rehearing in Carl Lewis Case; Argument Set for 8:30 a.m. Tuesday

On September 19, the Third Circuit granted a rehearing in Carl Lewis’ lawsuit to get on the November 8, 2011 ballot for State Senate in New Jersey. The rehearing is at 8:30 a.m., September 20, Tuesday. The original panel had put Lewis on the ballot last week by a vote of 2-1. The rehearing will be before the same three judges.

John Avlon Condemns Closed Primaries

John Avlon has this piece at CNN, criticizing closed primaries. His argument is that closed primaries produced two undesirable outcomes in 2010: the Republican closed primary in Delaware nominated Christine O’Donnell for U.S. Senate, and the Democratic closed primary in the District of Columbia produced City Councilman Vincent Gray for Mayor.

Not everyone agrees that O’Donnell and Gray were “bad”, but even for those readers who agree with Avlon about those two politicians, the piece is not convincing because it ignores all the 2010 instances in which “bad” people were nominated in open primaries. “Bad” in the Avlon context, means politicians who are perceived as “far left” or “far right.”

Contradicting the Avlon thesis are these examples: (1) Joe Miller was nominated for U.S. Senate by the Alaska Republican Party, even though independent voters were permitted to participate. Alaska has more than twice as many independent voters as it has Republican voters; (2) Paul LePage was nominated for Governor by the Maine Republican Party, even though independent voters were able to participate. Maine has 27% more independent voters than it has Republican registrants; (3) Tom Emmer was nominated for Governor by the Minnesota Republican Party, even though Minnesota has open primaries; (4) Alvin M. Greene was nominated for U.S. Senate by the South Carolina Democratic Party, even though South Carolina has open primaries; (5) Scott Walker was nominated for Governor by the Wisconsin Republican Party, even though Wisconsin has open primaries.

Avlon’s piece also has a factual error. He says Washington, D.C. voters were not able to vote in the general election for Adrian Fenty, the outgoing Mayor who was defeated for re-election in the Democratic primary. But D.C. voters not only were able to vote for Fenty in the general election, 29,559 of the voters did vote for Fenty in the general election, by writing him in. Fenty could conceivably have been elected as a write-in if he had asked voters to vote for him, but he refused to lend any support to the write-in campaign organized by some of his supporters.

Two-thirds of members of the Tea Party Caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives are from open primary states. Political science research by Boris Shor and Seth Masket has shown that type of primary system is not correlated with partisanship and polarization in state legislatures. Finally, Avlon presents no evidence at all that Christine O’Donnell and Vincent Gray would have been defeated if their primaries had been open. Survey research has rebutted the idea that independents are less extreme than party members.

Arizona Supreme Court Will Decide Whether to Hear Tucson Partisan City Elections Case on October 25

The Arizona Supreme Court will decide on October 25 whether to hear the state’s appeal in State of Arizona v City of Tucson, cv11-0150. The issue is whether the Arizona Constitution protects the ability of cities to decide for themselves whether to hold partisan or non-partisan city elections. In 2009 the legislature passed a bill requiring all cities to use non-partisan elections. Tucson voters have consistently voted in favor of partisan city elections. Earlier this year, the city won a lawsuit in the State Court of Appeals against the new state law, but the State hopes the State Supreme Court will reverse that decision.

Tucson is the only city in Arizona with partisan elections.