“The Democratic Strategist” has this original analysis of why top-two election systems may make partisanship and polarization more extreme than they already are, at least as applied to California.
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On July 6, Public Policy Polling released a poll of the U.S. Senate race in North Carolina. It shows Republican Richard Burr, the incumbent, at 38%; Elaine Marshall, Democrat, 33%, Michael Beitler, Libertarian, 10%; undecided 20%. See the detailed results here.
The poll shows that Beitler gains support disproportionately from voters age 18-29 (18%), and secondarily from voters age 30-45 (12%). Voters over age 45 only give him 7% support. The poll also shows that Beitler draws 14% support from African-Americans. By party, 7% of Democrats support him; 4% of Republicans support him; and 26% of independent voters support him. Thanks to Taegan Goddard’s Political Wire for the link. Beitler was in a 3-candidate debate recently.
Former Ohio Congressman James Traficant filed 3,138 signatures on May 3, to be an independent candidate for U.S. House in the 17th district. Ohio elections officials say that the petition is insufficient. Traficant needed 2,199 valid signatures, and elections officials say he only submitted 2,092 valid signatures, for a validity rate of 66.67%. Traficant disputes the determination. See this story.
Howie Hawkins, New York Green Party gubernatorial candidate, has this 14-minute talk on how to circulate petitions effectively. Thanks to Green Party Watch for the link.
Moritz College of Law Professor Dale A. Oesterle has this interesting commentary on the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision Doe v Reed. Oesterle does not so much take sides in the case, as to point out the unclear legal standards set forth in the decision. Doe v Reed is the case from Washington state on whether governments should release the names and addresses of petition signers to the public.
Among the unanswered questions, according to Oesterle, is whether the principles set forth in the case apply to petitions other than referendum petitions. He is especially curious about whether the analysis would apply to recall petitions. Recall petitions, more than any other petitions with legal affect, are closest to voting, and the nation has a strong tradition for the last 120 years that voting should be secret.
As Oesterle notes, the case is not finished, and now returns to U.S. District Court in Washington to decide if names and addresses from the particular referendum petition that caused the case should be released to the public.