New Political Science Research on Top-Two

Political scientists Eric McGhee and Boris Shor have published “Has the Top Two Primary Elected More Moderates?” Anyone may read the 36-page paper at this link. The authors studied California and Washington, which are the only two states that use top-two (as they explain on page 6 and 16, Louisiana and Nebraska don’t have top-two systems).

They conclude that since top-two started in each state, California Democrats in the legislature have become more moderate, but California and Washington Republicans and Democrats in Congress have not; nor have Republicans in the legislatures of either state moderated. The paper suggests that a strong reason why California Democrats in the legislature have moderated is because of three other changes made almost simultaneously: (1) redistricting reform; (2) term limits were eased; (3) the California budget no longer takes a two-thirds majority in each house of the legislature. But the paper believes that top two has probably had some moderating effect on California legislative Democrats.

Page 27 says, “The results of these analyses suggest virtually no effect of the Top Two in Washington or for Republicans in California.” That page also says that because members of congress are not subject to term limits, whereas members of the California legislature are subject to term limits, therefore term limits is probably the main reason why the results are different for California Democratic legislators, versus California Democratic members of the U.S. House. Thanks to Rick Hasen for the link.


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New Political Science Research on Top-Two — 6 Comments

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  2. They made an error with regard to Louisiana, particularly since they were focused on the legislature. The Open Primary in Louisiana is in October. The runoff is in mid-to-late November. The study could have also explored whether there were factors within the implementation of the Louisiana and Nebraska systems that contributed to less polarization. In Louisiana these would include odd-year elections, the small gap between the primary and the runoff, four year terms, and the possibility of election in the open primary. In Nebraska, it would be the lack of party labels and the unicameral legislature.

    They probably overstate the effect of the change in term limits since NO legislators have been permitted to continue based on the new term-limits. There will be an effect going forward, since Assembly members going forward will be able to run for re-election. In addition, the new overall limit of 12 years might encourage members with six years, to run for 3 more terms in the Assembly, rather than one term in the senate.

    In 2012, 2014, and 2016 new candidates did not decide to run because they could envisage a 12-year period in Sacramento once elected, but rather because there was an opening forced by removal of the incumbent.

  3. Most senators (23 of 40) are still under the old limits. This includes senators first elected in 2010 and re-elected in 2018, as well as senators who had Assembly service before 2012. There may be a trickle of members covered by the old limits. For example, an assembly member who served from 2010-2016 and was term-limited in the Assembly, might run and be elected from ab even-numbered senate seat in 2018, and be permitted to serve two terms.

    Term-Limited in

    2018 (even) 6 old limits, now serving second senate term.

    2020 (odd) 9 old limits, now serving second senate term.

    2022 (even) 5 old limits, serving first senate term following pre-2012 assembly service.
    2022 (even) 2 new limits, serving first full senate term, but elected to senate or assembly between 2012
    and 2024 (not eligible for senate election in 2022 because would be more than 12 years.

    2024 (old) 3 old limits, serving first senate term following pre-2012 assembly service.
    2024 (new) 5 new limits, serving second senate term (full or part).

    2026 (new) 7 new limits, serving first senate term, no assembly service.

    2028 (new) 3 new limits, serving first senate term, no assembly service.

  4. Louisiana does not hold its primary on the same date that other states hold their general election. That is a factual error.

    It is true that data around the transition to open primaries may not be available for Nebraska or Louisiana, but that would not prevent analysis on possible long term effects.

    I did not see anything on Page 16 that pertained to Louisiana or Nebraska.

    If Congress were to establish an Open Primary date in September, and provide:

    (1) Congressional primaries in which all candidates run and all voters may vote;
    (2) States may provide for election by majority in the primary;
    (3) Any runoff would occur in November;
    (4) States may conduct other elections on that date, so long as they are open to all candidates and all voters eligible to vote in the contests.

    Louisiana would surely change, and Washington would change at least with respect to the date. California would probably move their primary to January.

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