On March 31, the Fourth Circuit asked Congressman Madison Cawthorn to file a brief in his lawsuit, Cawthorn v Amalfi, 22-1251. This is the case in which the Congressman sued to stop election officials from adjudicating whether he meets the constitutional qualifications to run for Congress. The U.S. District Court had sided with Cawthorn. The Fourth Circuit will be deciding whether to stay the U.S. District Court decision. If the Fourth Circuit issues a stay, the administrative hearing could proceed.
On March 31, U.S. District Court Mark Walker struck down many new Florida election laws that restrict the ability of voters to vote. League of Women Voters of Florida v Lee, n.d., 4:21cv-186. Here is the 288-page opinion.
Here is an article about the decision by Law Professor Travis Crum. Thanks to ElectionLawBlog for that link.
On March 31, three Tennessee voters filed a federal lawsuit against the proposed Tennessee law to require candidates for congress to have lived in the state for three years. Collins v State of Tennessee, m.d., 3:22cv-225. The Governor has not even signed this bill yet, so the lawsuit seems premature. Here is the Complaint. The Complaint says the bill applies to primary candidates, and it does, but the sentence is misleading. It applies to all candidates for congress, whether they are running in a primary, or hoping to be nominated in a convention, or by petition as an independent candidate. Thanks to Thomas Jones for this news.
On March 31, U.S. District Court Judge Sara Darrow, an Obama appointee, upheld the Illinois petition for independent candidates for U.S. House. That petition is 5% of the last vote cast, and is the second most difficult for that office in the United States. Gill v Scholz, c.d., 3:16cv-3221. The opinion acknowledges that no petitioning candidate whose petition was challenged has met the Illinois requirement for U.S. House since 1974, but says because there are six independent or minor party candidates who have collected the needed number of signatures in U.S. history, therefore the requirement is not impossible and is therefore constitutional. David Gill, the independent candidate, had needed 10,754 signatures, and there are six instances in history in the entire nation in which a U.S. House successfully collected more than that number.
The opinion is very shallow when it lists the state interest in having such a severe requirement. It merely repeats the boilerplate from Jenness v Fortson, a single sentence that states have an interest in keeping frivolous or fraudulent candidates off the ballot.
The opinion also says that it is possible to get on the Illinois ballot without completing the petition, if no one challenges the petition. This is true, but illogical. It means that a candidate with little support is more likely to get on the ballot than a candidate with substantial support. If a candidate is not challenged, that generally means he or she is no threat to anyone, probably because the candidate has little or no support. On the other hand, if the candidate has substantial support, his or her opponents will be likely to challenge the petition.
On March 31, a New York state trial court in Steuben County struck down the new boundaries for State Senate and U.S. House districts. Harkenrider v Hochul, E2022-0116cv. The decision is based on the State Constitution, which was amended in 2014 to eliminate partisan gerrymandering. Here is the decision. Thanks to ElectionLawBlog for the link.