See this four-minute televised conversation between Fox Business Network host Neil Cavuto and former U.S. Senator Joseph Lieberman, on whether an independent or new party candidate could win the presidency in 2016. Lieberman raises the possibility that even if such a candidate would not win, he or she would influence public policy.
On December 12, the U.S. House passed the Ryan-Budget compromise budget resolution, HJR 59. The measure passed easily, by a vote of 332-94. Seven members did not vote and there are two vacancies. Among the members of the House who voted, only 22.1% voted “No.” Some of the “no” votes were cast by Democrats who believe the bill stifles worthy spending, and some of the “no” votes were cast by Republicans who believe the bill spends too much. The media tends to support the idea that both types of opposition are “extreme”; no such opinion should be inferred from this blog post.
Among members of Congress from open primary states, 23.0% voted “No.” Among members from closed primary states, 19.6% voted “No.” Among members from semi-closed primary states, 28.9% voted “No.” Among members from top-two states, 17.4% voted “No.”
Opponents of closed primaries constantly express a belief that closed primaries yield more extreme politicians, yet in this vote, as in recent similar roll-call votes, open primaries seem more like to produce “extreme” politicians. Here is the roll-call vote.
All six of Washington state’s Democrats voted for the bill, which lowered the percentage of “no” votes from top-two states. Chances are not all of the Washington Democrats would have voted for the bill, except for the fact that U.S. Senator Patty Murray, a Democrat from Washington state, put her prestige on the line as the Democrat who negotiated the compromise, and her fellow Democrats from her home state wanted to support her.
Professor Josh Putnam, whose website Frontloading.com, here writes that the North Carolina legislature is likely to move its presidential primary from February to a later month. The 2013 session of the North Carolina legislature moved the state’s presidential primary from May to February, but that move definitely violates national Republican Party rules.
On December 12, the Eleventh Circuit refused to order Alabama to put James Hall on the ballot for the special U.S. House election, First District, that is being held December 17. The order is only a single sentence: “We affirm the District Court’s denial of appellants’ motion for a preliminary injunction on the grounds that the injury to the public from the issuance of an injunction would far outweigh any injury appellants might suffer.”
The order is signed by Judges Gerald Tjoflat, Charles R. Wilson, and R. Lanier Anderson.
The Eleventh Circuit has set a briefing schedule for Stein v Secretary of State of Alabama, 13-15556. This is the case in which the Constitution, Green, and Libertarian Parties challenge the March petition deadline for new parties to submit approximately 44,000 valid signatures, in presidential election years. The parties’ opening brief is due January 14.
The Eleventh Circuit has three ballot access cases. Besides the Stein case, it has the challenge to Alabama’s special election petition requirements, and the Georgia case filed by the Green and Constitution Parties over the number of signatures required for President. The Eleventh Circuit includes Alabama, Florida, and Georgia.
The only other circuit with that many cases of interest to minor parties and independents is the Ninth Circuit. It has the Peace & Freedom Party case over whether Peta Lindsay should have been allowed on the party’s presidential primary ballot; the Libertarian-Green case over Arizona’s voter registration form that lists only the Democratic and Republican Parties; and a challenge to Alaska’s ban on out-of-state petitioners.
