South Dakota Bill to Implement Independent Voters Voting Absentee in Democratic Party Primary

In 1986 the U.S. Supreme Court said in Tashjian v Republican Party of Connecticut that if a party wants to let independents vote in its primary, it may do so. South Dakota, like most states, changed its law to permit qualified parties to make that decision.

Last year, the Democratic Party decided to let independents vote in its primary. A new bill, HB 1054, has just been introduced in the South Dakota legislature, to help implement the change. Under existing law, there is no problem for primary voters at the polls. If they are registered independents, they tell the election officials in that precinct to give them a Democratic Party primary ballot. HB 1054 handles the problem of how to facilitate this process for absentee voters. See this story.

Alaska Ballot Access Bill Introduced

Alaska Representative Max Gruenberg (D-Anchorage) has introduced HB 288, which would make it easier for a minor party to gain recognition as a qualified party. It changes the number of registered voters a party needs to be recognized from 3% of the last vote cast (currently over 9,000 registered members) to a flat 2,500 registered members. Thanks to Scott Kohlhaas for this news.

Currently, the Alaskan Independence Party, and the Libertarian Party, are the only ballot-qualified parties other than the Democratic and Republican Parties. If the bill were to pass, the Green Party would be back on the ballot.

Delaware Bill to Toughen Minor Party Ballot Access Moves Ahead

The Delaware House passed HB 245 unanimously back on June 29, 2009. It will soon receive a hearing in the Senate Insurance and Elections Committee. Among other things, it increases the number of registered voters to qualify as a political party from approximately 300 registered members, to approximately 600.

Specifically, the bill changes the percentage of registered voters from one-twentieth of 1% of the state total, to one-tenth of 1% of the state total.

In 2008, Delaware had 7 qualified minor parties, and they had this number of registered voters just prior to the general election: Independent Party 1,308; Libertarian 756; Working Families 589; Green 587; Blue Enigma 330; Socialist Workers 310; Constitution 309.

Delaware does not post the number of registered voters for the qualified minor parties on its webpage, and today is a holiday and the State Election office is closed, so it isn’t possible to know how many registrants each party now has.

The bill was suggested by the State Election Commissioner. The sponsors are three Democrats: Senator George Bunting of Bethany Beach, Rep. Earl Jacques of Newark, and Rep. Hazel Plant of Wilmington. The bill makes many other election law changes. It also requires that qualified minor parties nominate via convention, and not just with a meeting of the state executive committee. In 2008 the Independent Party of Delaware had nominated Ralph Nader and its nominees for other office with a state executive committee meeting. Someone had challenged the Independent Party’s nomination procedure, but a court said there is nothing in the law to forbid using a committee meeting instead of a convention to nominate candidates.

Federal Judge in Arizona Still Pondering How to Adjust Public Funding Law

Although U.S. District Court Judge Roslyn Silver issued a tentative ruling on January 15 in the Arizona public funding lawsuit, suggesting that part of the program is unconstitutional, she still has not decided on just how much of the program should be invalidated. See this story.

Generally, she feels that the part of the program that gives extra public funding to candidates who have opponents who aren’t using the program but who raise a great deal of money cannot survive. But, as the story indicates, she hasn’t decided whether the extra public funding is untenable for publicly funded candidates who have opponents who get their private money from other donors, or whether the extra public funding is only untenable for publicly funded candidates who have opponents who fund their campaigns with their own money.

Her decision is based on the U.S. Supreme Court ruling Davis v Federal Election Commission, which invalidated the “millionaire’s amendment” portion of the McCain-Feingold law. The McCain-Feingold law has nothing to do with public funding of campaigns. But the McCain-Feingold law did have a provision that said when a candidate for Congress has a very wealthy opponent who is self-financing his or her own campaign, then opponents of that wealthy candidate got an exemption from worrying about the normal limits on contributions made to them. The U.S. Supreme Court said the special treatment for candidates who have wealthy opponents is unconstitutional. The Court felt, once Congress has set limits on how much individuals can contribute, it must stick to the principle that the limits apply equally for all candidates, whether they have wealthy opponents or not.

So, by analogy, Davis v FEC seems to mean that public funding programs themselves are constitutional. But provisions of public funding programs that give large amounts of extra public funding to candidates who have well-funded opponents are not constitutional. However, if the Arizona decision is based on Davis v FEC, it is not clear whether the extra public funding should be thrown out entirely, or just for publicly funded candidates who have wealthy self-funded opponents (as opposed to candidates who have opponents who are very successful at raising private contributions).