On July 24, a Republican Maine legislator asked the Secretary of State to rule that Troy Jackson, the new Democratic U.S. Senate nominee, is ineligible. See this story. Jackson ran for Governor in the June 2026 Democratic primary and lost. The legislator argues that therefore he can’t run for U.S. Senate.
This is old news, but has only now come to the attention of Ballot Access News. In October 2024 a U.S. District Court allowed the Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles to rescind its old policy of allowing petitioning in the department’s interior sidewalks that connect parking lots with the offices. Here is the order in National Democrataic Policy Committee v Lackey, e.d., 3:88cv-570. It is by U. S. District Court Judge David J. Novak, a Bush Jr. appointee.
In 1988 the Lyndon LaRouche campaign organization had sued Virginia over access to these interior sidewalks, and the state had not contested the lawsuit and had signed a consent decree allowing the petitioning. But in 2024, the Department asked a U.S. District Court judge to rescind the consent decree. The judge agreed, after finding that the original plaintiff no longer exists, and that the U.S. Supreme Court in 1990 had ruled in U.S. v Kokinda that postal sidewalks are not a public forum. However, there was no majority opinion in U.S. v Kokinda, and that decision did not deal with petitioning. In that case the government said that petitioning was not prohibited; it only prohibited transactions involving an exchange of money.
The new court order also says that either the U.S. Supreme Court, or the Fourth Circuit, or courts within the Fourth Circuit, had ruled that there is no public forum involving airport terminals, public library internet access, the interior of polling places, or candidate debates. But these are all very different from publicly-owned sidewalks with no limits on who can walk on those sidewalks.
It is true that the D.C. Circuit ruled in 2012 that postal sidewalks that link post office parking lots and the offices themselves are not public forums, but rulings of the D.C. Circuit are not binding on the Fourth Circuit.
On Saturday, July 25, the First Circuit issued an order in State of California v Trump, 26-1774. This is the lawsuit in which some states challenged an Executive Order that the federal government should compile its own list of eligible voters and then provide that the post office must not deliver state postal ballots to anyone not on the list. Here is the order, which is unsigned. Judge Joshua Dunlap, a Trump appointee, partly dissented. He felt that the plaintiff states did not have standing to challenge the part of the order that created the list. The other two judges are Gustavo Gelpi and Julie Rickelman, both Biden appointees.
On July 24, the Democratic Party’s Rules & Bylaws Committee issued its hopes for the 2028 presidential primary schedule. The most drastic change was for New Mexico, which has always held presidential primaries in June. The party recommended that New Mexico hold its 2028 presidential primary on February 15. The Democratic Party controls state government in New Mexico, so it is likely the legislature in 2027 will pass a bill to implement that much earlier primary date. It is unclear if the legislature would leave the primary for non-presidential office in June.
The Committee also recommended that South Carolina hold its primary before any other Democratic primary, and to hold it on January 22. In 2024 South Carolina’s Democratic presidential primary was February 3.
The Committee wants Nevada second, and New Hampshire third, but the party doesn’t have enough legislature support in New Hampshire to amend the state law that says the New Hampshire primary must always be the earliest presidential primary. The Democratic Party wants New Mexico fourth, Michigan fifth, and Virginia sixth. Those six states would be the only ones with primaries earlier than March.
MAJOR PARTY SHARE OF REGISTRATION DROPS BELOW 65%
FOR FIRST TIME IN AT LEAST 90 YEARS
For the first time in at least ninety years (and probably for the first time ever), the percentage of voters who are registered into one or the other of the two major parties is below 65%. Democratic Party registration is at an all-time low, and Republican Party registration is near its all-time low. See the percentages below, for the period February 1993 through July 2026 (the two digit numbers in the “Date” column are the last two digits of the year):
| DATE | DEM. | REP. | TOT. |
| Feb 93 | 47.76 | 32.97 | 80.73 |
| Dec 94 | 47.80 | 34.27 | 82.07 |
| Feb 96 | 47.66 | 35.12 | 82.78 |
| Dec 96 | 45.69 | 33.79 | 79.48 |
| May 98 | 45.12 | 32.25 | 77.37 |
| Dec 98 | 44.94 | 33.26 | 78.20 |
| Apr 00 | 44.40 | 33.00 | 77.40 |
| Dec 00 | 43.74 | 32.78 | 76.62 |
| Sep 02 | 42.85 | 32.52 | 75.37 |
| Dec 02 | 42.68 | 32.55 | 75.23 |
| Feb 04 | 42.19 | 32.79 | 74.98 |
| Dec 04 | 41.87 | 32.32 | 74.19 |
| July 06 | 41.51 | 32.23 | 73.74 |
| Jan 07 | 41.64 | 32.39 | 74.03 |
| Mar 08 | 41.66 | 31.89 | 73.55 |
| Dec 08 | 43.62 | 30.72 | 74.34 |
| June 10 | 43.35 | 30.43 | 73.78 |
| Dec 10 | 42.98 | 30.58 | 73.56 |
| Feb 12 | 42.64 | 30.79 | 73.43 |
| Dec 12 | 41.88 | 30.13 | 72.01 |
| Apr 14 | 41.45 | 29.88 | 71.33 |
| Dec 14 | 41.17 | 29.79 | 70.96 |
| DATE | DEM. | REP. | TOT. |
| Mar 16 | 40.60 | 29.90 | 70.50 |
| Dec 16 | 40.60 | 29.37 | 69.97 |
| Aug 17 | 40.27 | 29.55 | 69.82 |
| Mar 18 | 40.00 | 29.33 | 69.33 |
| Nov 18 | 39.91 | 29.19 | 69.10 |
| Mar 20 | 39.66 | 28.87 | 68.53 |
| Nov 20 | 39.67 | 29.51 | 69.18 |
| Mar 21 | 39.58 | 29.48 | 69.06 |
| Dec 21 | 39.48 | 29.38 | 68.86 |
| Aug 22 | 39.06 | 29.57 | 68.63 |
| Dec 22 | 38.73 | 29.60 | 68.33 |
| Dec 23 | 38.09 | 29.65 | 67.74 |
| June 24 | 37.60 | 30.05 | 67.65 |
| Nov 24 | 37.07 | 30.40 | 67.47 |
| Dec 25 | 35.29 | 29.88 | 65.17 |
| July 26 | 34.96 | 29.80 | 64.76 |
This data was collected by B.A.N. and published in many past issues. For years before 1993, no attempt was made to collect the data from all the states that have partisan registration. But enough data is at hand for the period 1940 through 1991 to know that the two party registration in those years was even higher than in the 1990’s. Data for the years 1940-1991 exists in published state sources for California, Florida, Louisiana, Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania.
The drop in major party share of the registrations is accelerating, as one can see from the December 2025 and July 2026 data.