On May 14, the Tennessee Democratic Party filed this reply brief in Hale v Lee, m.d., 3:26cv-603. The oral argument will be on May 20. In this case, the Democratic Party argues that it violates due process for legislatures to redistrict after the candidate filing has already closed. The brief says that if this behavior is constitutional, then legislatures can develop a habit of first seeing which candidates have filed, and can then decide which districts to alter or eliminate based on estimates of the strength of the listed candidates.
On May 11, U.S. District Court Judge Sara Darrow refused to enjoin the Illinois 5% petition requirement for independent candidates for U.S. House. Flowers v Illinois State Board of Elections, c.d., 4:26cv-4062. Here is the opinion. It ignores the fact that no independent candidate for U.S. House in Illinois has managed to qualify since 1974 if the petition was challenged (excluding years ending in “2”, when the 5% requirement does not apply). The opinion says ten candidates have qualified in the last few decades for U.S. House, but they were candidates who were not challenged or who were running in years ending in “2”.
The decision depends on the 1971 U.S. Supreme Court decision Jenness v Fortson, but it fails to say that the reason the U.S. Supreme Court upheld that 5% petition was that the record showed that Georgia’s petition requirement had been successfully used in each of the two preceding elections before the case had been filed. And the opinion also errs when it says the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a June petition deadline in Jenness v Fortson. As Justice Stevens explained in Mandel v Bradley, the plaintiffs in Jenness did not challenge the petition deadline, so anything in Jenness about the deadline is dicta.
The order is also flawed because it implies that the only time the U.S. Supreme Court ever struck down a petition requirement on the grounds that too many signatures were required was in 1968, in Williams v Rhodes. The order does not mention the unanimous U.S. Supreme Court decision Illinois State Board of Elections v Socialist Workers Party, in 1979, which struck down a petition requirement of approximately 2%. The U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed that again in 1992 in Norman v Reed, yet another Illinois case.
Nor does the order mention the U.S. Supreme Court decision Storer v Brown, from 1974, which said there is no litmus test for evaluating petition requirements.
Judge Darrow has a bad record on ballot access. She had previously upheld the same 5% petition for U.S. House in Gill v Scholz.
On May 13, an Emerson Colloege poll for the California gubernatorial race was released. See it here.
On May 13, West Virginia filed this amicus curiae brief with the U.S. Supreme Court in Scott v McDougle, 25A1240. The West Virginia brief is opposed to Virginia’s position, and says the U.S. Supreme Court should not hear Virginia’s appeal on redistricting.
On May 12, the Alabama Secretary of State said primaries will be held for U.S. House districts 1,2,6, and 7 on Tuesday, August 11. This automatically sets the petition deadline for minor party and independent candidate petitions for those races on that same August 11 day.
Under several precedents that apply to Alabama, the state must cut the number of signatures from the normal 6,000 signatures, to 12.3% of the normal number. Thus the average number of signatures for this year’s petitions for U.S. House would be approximately 738 signatures.
Here is the Secretary of State’s announcement. It says petitions for minor party and independent candidates are due August 11 at 5 pm, but he says nothing about how many signatures will be required. Under Hall v Merrill, 212 F Supp 3d 1148, the state must reduce the number of signatures.